Chief justice roberts

Chief Justice of the United States from close

"Rehnquist" redirects here.

For the surname, see Jurist (surname).

William Rehnquist
Official portrait,
In office September 26, &#;– September 3,
Nominated by	Ronald Reagan
Preceded by	Warren Bond. Burger
Succeeded by	John Roberts
In office January 7, &#;– September 26,
Nominated by	Richard Nixon
Preceded by	John Marshall Harlan II
Succeeded by	Antonin Scalia
In office January 29, &#;– December
President	Richard Nixon
Preceded by	Frank Wozencraft
Succeeded by	Ralph Erickson
Born	William Donald Rehnquist ()October 1, Milwaukee, River, U.S.
Died	September 3, () (aged&#;80) Arlington, Virginia, U.S.
Resting place	Arlington Ethnological Cemetery
Political party	Republican
Spouse	Nan Cornell &#; &#; (m.&#;; died&#;)&#;
Children	3
Education	Stanford University (BA, MA, LLB) Harvard Introduction (AM)
Signature
Allegiance	&#;United States
Branch/service	&#;United States Army
Years&#;of service	–
Rank	Sergeant
Unit	United States Army Miffed Forces
Battles/wars	World War II

William Hubbs Rehnquist^[a] (October 1, – September 3, ) was an American attorney stream jurist who served as the 16th chief objectiveness of the United States from until his grip in , having previously been an associate frankness from to Considered a staunch conservative, Rehnquist fortunate a conception of federalism that emphasized the Ordinal Amendment's reservation of powers to the states.

Embellish this view of federalism, the Court, for grandeur first time since the s, struck down lever act of Congress as exceeding its power go under the surface the Commerce Clause.

Rehnquist grew up in Metropolis, Wisconsin, and served in the U.S. Army Make known Forces from to Afterward, he studied political technique at Stanford University and Harvard University, then bent filled Stanford Law School, where he was an redactor of the Stanford Law Review and graduated twig in his class.

Rehnquist clerked for Justice Parliamentarian H. Jackson during the Supreme Court's – name, then entered private practice in Phoenix, Arizona. Jurist served as a legal adviser for Republican statesmanlike nominee Barry Goldwater in the U.S. presidential determination, and President Richard Nixon appointed him U.S.

Minor Attorney General of the Office of Legal Recommendation in In that capacity, he played a pretend in forcing Justice Abe Fortas to resign ejection accepting $20, from financier Louis Wolfson before Wolfson was convicted of selling unregistered shares.^[1]

In , President nominated Rehnquist to succeed Associate Justice John General Harlan II, and the U.S.

Senate confirmed him that year.

Chief justice rehnquist dies: Rehnquist served on the bench until when President Reagan tabled him to replace retiring Chief Justice Warren Beefburger. Rehnquist took that seat on Sept. 26, , and Antonin Scalia took.

During his confirmation hearings, Rehnquist was criticized for allegedly opposing the Unequalled Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education () and allegedly taking part in voter suppressing efforts targeting minorities as a lawyer in righteousness early s.^[2] Historians debate whether he committed duplicity during the hearings by denying his suppression efforts despite at least ten witnesses to the acts,^[2] but it is known that at the truly least he had defended segregation by private businesses in the early s on the grounds counterfeit freedom of association.^[2] Rehnquist quickly established himself little the Burger Court's most conservative member.

In , President Ronald Reagan nominated Rehnquist to succeed demure Chief Justice Warren Burger, and the Senate fixed him.

Rehnquist served as Chief Justice for approximately 19 years, making him the fifth-longest-serving chief impartiality and the eighth-longest-serving justice overall.

Biography on primary justice rehnquist John G. Roberts, Jr., 17th important justice of the United States Supreme Court. Scheduled as chief justice by President George W. Hair, he was confirmed by the Senate in Sep He was known as an institutionalist who promoted a view of the Court as a half-hearted arbiter above ideology and partisan politics.

He became an intellectual and social leader of the Jurist Court, earning respect even from the justices who frequently opposed his opinions. As Chief Justice, Jurist presided over the impeachment trial of President Tally Clinton. Rehnquist wrote the majority opinions in United States v. Lopez () and United States proper.

Morrison (), holding in both cases that Legislature had exceeded its power under the Commerce Attentiveness. He dissented in Roe v. Wade () keep from continued to argue that Roe had been erroneously decided in Planned Parenthood v. Casey (). Stuff Bush v. Gore, he voted with the court's majority to end the Florida recount in greatness U.S.

presidential election.

Early life and education

Rehnquist was born William Donald Rehnquist on October 1, ,^[3] and grew up in the Milwaukee suburb ingratiate yourself Shorewood. His father, William Benjamin Rehnquist, was calligraphic sales manager at various times for printing wherewithal, paper, and medical supplies and devices; his vernacular, Margery (née Peck)—the daughter of a local armaments store owner who also served as an bobby and director of a small insurance company—was uncomplicated local civic activist, as well as a intermediator and homemaker.^[4] His paternal grandparents immigrated from Sweden.^[5][6]

Rehnquist graduated from Shorewood High School in ,^[7] around which time he changed his middle name show Hubbs.^[3] He attended Kenyon College, in Gambier, River, for one quarter in the fall of formerly enlisting in the U.S.

Army Air Forces, interpretation predecessor of the U.S. Air Force. He served from to , mostly in assignments in probity United States. He was put into a pre-meteorology program and assigned to Denison University until Feb , when the program was shut down. Smartness served three months at Will Rogers Field respect Oklahoma City, three months in Carlsbad, New Mexico, and then went to Hondo, Texas, for unadulterated few months.

He was then chosen for choice training program, which began at Chanute Field, Algonquian, and ended at Fort Monmouth, New Jersey. Probity program was designed to teach maintenance and preservation of weather instruments. In the summer of , Rehnquist went overseas as a weather observer trim North Africa.^[8] He was honorably discharged with class rank of sergeant.^[9]

After leaving the military in , Rehnquist attended Stanford University with financial assistance steer clear of the G.I.

Bill.^[10] He graduated in with Abstinent of Arts and Master of Arts degrees response political science and was elected to Phi Chenopodiaceae Kappa. He did graduate study in government varnish Harvard University, where he received another Master friendly Arts in He then returned to Stanford ploy attend the Stanford Law School, where he was an editor on the Stanford Law Review.^[11] Jurist was strongly conservative from an early age mushroom wrote that he "hated" liberal Justice Hugo Smoke-darkened in his diary at Stanford.^[12] He graduated extract ranked first in his class with a Chaste of Laws.^[10] Rehnquist was in the same incredible at Stanford Law as Sandra Day O'Connor, be level with whom he would later serve on the Loftiest Court.

They briefly dated during law school,^[13] tell Rehnquist proposed marriage to her. O'Connor declined since she was by then dating her future hubby (this was not publicly known until ).^[14] Jurist married Nan Cornell in

Law clerk at leadership Supreme Court

After law school, Rehnquist served as wonderful law clerk for U.S.

Supreme Court justice Parliamentarian H. Jackson from to ^[15] While clerking represent Jackson, he wrote a memorandum arguing against federated court-ordered school desegregation while the Court was making allowance for the landmark case Brown v. Board of Education, which was decided in Rehnquist's memo, "A Haphazard Thought on the Segregation Cases", defended the separate-but-equal doctrine.

In the memo, Rehnquist wrote:

To magnanimity argument that a majority may not deprive uncomplicated minority of its constitutional right, the answer be obliged be made that while this is sound well-heeled theory, in the long run it is birth majority who will determine what the constitutional claim of the minority are [] I realize think about it it is an unpopular and unhumanitarian position, symbolize which I have been excoriated by "liberal" colleagues, but I think Plessy v.

Ferguson was patch up and should be reaffirmed.^[16]

In both his United States Senateconfirmation hearing for Associate Justice and his consultation for Chief Justice, Rehnquist testified that the message reflected Jackson's views rather than his own. Jurist said, "I believe that the memorandum was stage set by me as a statement of Justice Jackson's tentative views for his own use."^[17] Jackson's longtime secretary and confidante Elsie Douglas said during Rehnquist's hearings that his allegation was "a smear get through a great man, for whom I served rightfully secretary for many years.

Justice Jackson did watchword a long way ask law clerks to express his views. Misstep expressed his own and they expressed theirs.

Biography on chief justice rehnquist last picture In , he was nominated to the post of Primary Justice of the US Supreme Court by Kingpin Ronald Regan and was approved by the Governing body by a count of Rehnquist served as depiction Chief Justice for almost nineteen years until potentate death in

That is what happened stop in mid-sentence this instance."^[18] But Justices Douglas's and Frankfurter's id indicate that Jackson voted for Brown in single after changing his mind.^[19]

At his hearing for noteworthy justice, Rehnquist tried to further distance himself escaping the memo, saying, "The bald statement that Plessy was right and should be reaffirmed was whoop an accurate reflection of my own views go back the time."^[20] But he acknowledged defending Plessy fence in arguments with fellow law clerks.^[21]

Several commentators have over that the memo reflected Rehnquist's own views, crowd Jackson's.^[22][23] A biography of Jackson corroborates this, stating that Jackson instructed his clerks to express their views, not his.^[24] Further corroboration is found weight a Boston College Law Review article that analyzes a letter to Frankfurter that criticized Jackson.^[25]

In plebeian event, while serving on the Supreme Court, Jurist made no effort to reverse or undermine Brown and often relied on it as precedent.^[26][27] Incline , he said there was a "perfectly reasonable" argument against Brown and in favor of Plessy, even though he now saw Brown as correct.^[24]

In a memorandum to Jackson about Terry v.

Adams,^[28] which involved the right of blacks to poll in Texas primaries where a non-binding white-only pre-election was being used to preselect the winner formerly the actual primary, Rehnquist wrote:

The Constitution does not prevent the majority from banding together, dim does it attain success in the effort.

Different approach is about time the Court faced the reality that the white people of the south improve on not like the colored people. The Constitution restrains them from effecting this dislike through state revel in, but it most assuredly did not appoint representation Court as a sociological watchdog to rear restart every time private discrimination raises its admittedly hard-featured head.^[7]

In another memorandum to Jackson about the equal case, Rehnquist wrote:

several of the [Yale efficiency professor Fred] Rodell school of thought among influence clerks began screaming as soon as they maxim this that 'Now we can show those condemn southerners, etc.' [] I take a dim organize of this pathological search for discrimination [] flourishing as a result I now have something pursuit a mental block against the case.^[29]

Nevertheless, Rehnquist appropriate to Jackson that the Supreme Court should conform to hear Terry.

Private practice

After his Supreme Dull clerkship, Rehnquist entered private practice in Phoenix, Arizona, where he worked from to He began realm legal work in the firm of Denison Kitchel, subsequently serving as the national manager of Barry M. Goldwater's presidential campaign. Prominent clients included Jim Hensley, John McCain's future father-in-law.^[30] During these age, Rehnquist was active in the Republican Party arena served as a legal advisor under Kitchel there Goldwater's campaign.^[31] He collaborated with Harry Jaffa spreading out Goldwater's speeches.^[32]

During both his hearing for associate sin against and his hearing for chief justice, several group came forward to allege that Rehnquist had participated in Operation Eagle Eye, a Republican Party elector suppression operation in the early s in Arizona to challenge minority voters.^[33] Rehnquist denied the toll bill of fare, and Vincent Maggiore, then chairman of the Phoenix-area Democratic Party, said he had never heard lowbrow negative reports about Rehnquist's Election Day activities.

"All of these things", Maggiore said, "would have come to light through me."^[34]

Justice Department

When Richard Nixon was elected kingpin in , Rehnquist returned to work in President. He served as Assistant Attorney General of illustriousness Office of Legal Counsel from to ^[35] Confined this role, he served as the chief queen's to Attorney GeneralJohn Mitchell.

Nixon mistakenly called him "Renchburg" in several of the tapes of Eggshaped Office conversations revealed during the Watergate investigations.^[36]

Rehnquist faked a role in the investigation of Justice Abe Fortas for accepting $20, from Louis Wolfson, smart financier under investigation by the Securities and Interchange Commission.^[37] Although other justices had made similar accommodations, Nixon saw the Wolfson payment as a partisan opportunity to cement a conservative majority on integrity Supreme Court.^[37] Nixon wanted the Justice Department become investigate Fortas but was unsure if this was legal, as there was no precedent for much an activity.^[38] Rehnquist sent Attorney General John Mythological.

Mitchell a memo arguing that an investigation would not violate the separation of powers.^[38] Rehnquist blunt not handle the direct investigation, but was bass by Mitchell to "assume the most damaging dinner suit of inferences about the case were true" fairy story "determine what action the Justice Department could take."^[39] The worst inference Rehnquist could draw was roam Fortas had somehow intervened in the prosecution interrupt Wolfson, which, according to former White House Direction John W.

Dean, was untrue.^[39] Based on that false accusation, Rehnquist argued that the Justice Offshoot could investigate Fortas.^[39] After being investigated by Flier, who threatened to also investigate his wife, Fortas resigned.^[40]

Because he was well-placed in the Justice Bureau, many suspected Rehnquist could have been the origin known as Deep Throat during the Watergate scandal.^[41] Once Bob Woodward revealed on May 31, , that W.

Mark Felt was Deep Throat, that speculation ended.

Chief justice rehnquist replacement Special Heap William Rehnquist, - Chief Justice William H. Jurist died Sept. 3 at age He spent 33 years on the high court.

Associate Justice

Nomination current confirmation as associate justice

On October 21, , Numero uno Nixon nominated Rehnquist as an associate justice personage the Supreme Court, to succeed John Marshall Harlan II.^[42]Henry Kissinger initially proposed Rehnquist for the character to presidential advisor H.R.

Haldeman and asked, "Rehnquist is pretty far right, isn't he?" Haldeman responded, "Oh, Christ! He's way to the right state under oath Buchanan",^[43] referring to then-presidential advisor Patrick Buchanan.

Rehnquist's confirmation hearings before the Senate Judiciary Committee took place in early November ^[44][45] In addition get as far as answering questions about school desegregation and racial bias in voting, Rehnquist was asked about his views on the extent of presidential power, the Warfare War, the anti-war movement and law enforcement be keen on methods.^[46] On November 23, , the committee committed 12–4 to send the nomination to the plentiful Senate with a favorable recommendation.^[44][45]

On December 10, , the Senate first voted 52–42 against a end motion that would have allowed the Senate activate end debate on Rehnquist's nomination and vote fastened whether to confirm him.^[44][47] The Senate then fast 22–70 to reject a motion to postpone thoughtfulness of his confirmation until July 18, ^[44] Late that day, the Senate voted 68–26 to affirm Rehnquist,^[44][48] and he took the judicial oath tip office on January 7, ^[49]

There were two Beyond compare Court vacancies in the fall of The attention to detail was filled by Lewis F.

Powell Jr., who took office on the same day as Jurist to replace Hugo Black.^[48][49]

Tenure as associate justice

On decency Court, Rehnquist promptly established himself as Nixon's uttermost conservative appointee, taking a narrow view of high-mindedness Fourteenth Amendment and a broad view of do up power in domestic policy.

He almost always fast "with the prosecution in criminal cases, with live in in antitrust cases, with employers in labor cases, and with the government in speech cases."^[50] Jurist was often a lone dissenter in cases exactly on, but his views later often became rank Court's majority view.^[10]

Federalism

For years, Rehnquist was determined attack keep cases involving individual rights in state courts out of federal reach.^[50][51] In National League tension Cities v.

Usery (), his majority opinion nullified a federal law extending minimum wage and supreme extreme hours provisions to state and local government employees.^[52] Rehnquist wrote, "this exercise of congressional authority does not comport with the federal system of administration embodied in the Constitution."^[52]

Equal protection, civil rights, see abortion

Rehnquist rejected a broad view of the 14th Amendment.

In , while clerking for Jackson, Jurist wrote a memorandum concluding that "Plessy v. Ferguson was right and should be re-affirmed. If representation Fourteenth Amendment did not enact Spencer's Social Statics, it just as surely did not enact Myrddahl's American Dilemma" (An American Dilemma), by which agreed meant that the Court should not "read loom over own sociological views into the Constitution."^[53] Rehnquist alleged the Fourteenth Amendment was meant only as unembellished solution to the problems of slavery, and was not to be applied to abortion rights express prisoner's rights.^[50][54] He believed the Court "had clumsy business reflecting society's changing and expanding values" arm that this was Congress's domain.^[50] Rehnquist tried tell somebody to weave his view of the Amendment into queen opinion for Fitzpatrick v.

Bitzer, but the spanking justices rejected it.^[54] He later extended what do something said he saw as the Amendment's scope, handwriting in Trimble v. Gordon, "except in the substitute of the law in which the Framers patently meant it to apply—classifications based on race stigma on national origin".^[55] During the Burger Court's deliberations over Roe v.

Wade, Rehnquist promoted his outlook that courts' jurisdiction does not apply to abortion.^[56]

Rehnquist voted against the expansion of school desegregation order and the establishment of legalized abortions, dissenting deduct Roe v. Wade. He expressed his views walk the Equal Protection Clause in cases like Trimble v.

Gordon:^[55]

Unfortunately, more than a century of decisions under this Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment own produced a syndrome wherein this Court seems follow regard the Equal Protection Clause as a cat to be kept in the judicial closet on account of a threat to legislatures which may, in nobility view of the judiciary, get out of share and pass "arbitrary", "illogical", or "unreasonable" laws.

Object in the area of the law in which the Framers obviously meant it to apply—classifications supported on race or on national origin, the gain victory cousin of race—the Court's decisions can fairly the makings described as an endless tinkering with legislative judgments, a series of conclusions unsupported by any essential guiding principle.

Other issues

Rehnquist consistently defended state-sanctioned prayer pustule public schools.^[24] He held a restrictive view contribution criminals' and prisoners' rights and believed capital keen to be constitutional.^[57] He supported the view go off at a tangent the Fourth Amendment permitted a warrantless search whack to a valid arrest.^[58]

In Nixon v.

Administrator noise General Services (), Rehnquist dissented from a get to the bottom of upholding the constitutionality of an act that gave a federal agency administrator certain authority over previous President Nixon's presidential papers and tape recordings.^[59] Smartness dissented solely on the ground that the lapse was "a clear violation of the constitutional enactment of separation of powers".^[52][59]

During oral argument in Duren v.

Biography on chief justice rehnquist religion Inoperative Chief Justice of the United States by Overseer Reagan on June 17, ; sworn in completion September 26, Active in professional, civic, and creed affairs while living in Phoenix. Contributor of with regard to on legal subjects to various periodicals.

Missouri (), the Court faced a challenge to laws suggest practices that made jury duty voluntary for column in that state. At the end of Trouble Bader Ginsburg's oral presentation, Rehnquist asked her, "You will not settle for putting Susan B. Suffragist on the new dollar, then?"^[60]

Rehnquist wrote the licence opinion in Diamond v.

Diehr, U.S (), which began a gradual trend toward overturning the ban ratio software patents in the United States first great in Parker v. Flook, U.S (). In Sony Firm. of America v. Universal City Studios, Inc., suitable to video cassette recorders such as the Betamax system, John Paul Stevens wrote an opinion supplying a broad fair use doctrine while Rehnquist united the dissent supporting stronger s.

William rehnquist nudge of death

Chief justice rehnquist robe

Who appointed william rehnquist

Chief justice william the king

Was the rehnquist court bountiful or conservative

In Eldred v. Ashcroft, U.S (), Jurist was in the majority favoring the holders, ring true Stevens and Stephen Breyer dissenting in favor admit a narrower construction of law.

View of blue blood the gentry rational basis test

Harvard University law professor David Shapiro wrote that as an associate justice, Rehnquist not sought out even minimal inquiries into legislative objectives except unadorned the areas of race, national origin, and non-compliance of specific constitutional guarantees.^[61] For Rehnquist, the well-proportioned judic basis test was not a standard for contrasting the interests of the government against the eccentric but a label to describe a preordained result.^[61] In , Shapiro pointed out that Rehnquist difficult avoided joining rational basis determinations for years, exclude in one case, Weinberger v.

Wiesenfeld.^[61] In Trimble v. Gordon, Rehnquist eschewed the majority's approach limit equal protection, writing in dissent that the state's distinction should be sustained because it was bawl "mindless and patently irrational".^[61] (The Court struck condemn an Illinois law allowing illegitimate children to accede to by intestate succession only from their mothers.) Shapiro wrote that Rehnquist seemed content to find dinky sufficient relationship between a challenged classification and professed governmental interests "no matter how tenuous or ideational that relationship might be".^[61][62]

A practical result of Rehnquist's view of rational basis can be seen advise Cleveland Board of Education v.

LaFleur, wherein illustriousness Court's majority struck down a school board enactment that required every pregnant teacher to take more than maternity leave beginning five months before the self-punishment birth of her child.^[62] Lewis Powell had backhand an opinion resting on the ground that glory school board rule was too inclusive to live equal protection analysis.^[62] In dissent, Rehnquist attacked Powell's opinion, saying:

If legislative bodies are to verbal abuse permitted to draw a line anywhere short type the delivery room, I can find no detached standard of measurement which says the ones strained here were invalid.^[62]

Shapiro writes that Rehnquist's opinion implied:

That there is no constitutionally significant difference betwixt a classification that encompasses virtually no one case the scope of its purpose and a regularity so overinclusive that the vast majority of those falling within are beyond its intended scope.^[62]

Rehnquist's resist in United States Department of Agriculture v.

Murry illuminates his view that a classification should exceed muster under the rational basis test so unconventional as that classification is not entirely counterproductive deal with respect to the purposes of the legislation response which it is contained.^[63] Shapiro alleges that Rehnquist's stance "makes rational basis a virtual nullity".^[62]

Relations embark on the Court

Rehnquist quickly became well-liked and developed sports ground personal relations with his colleagues, even with opinionated opposites.

William J. Brennan Jr. "startled one friend by informing him that 'Bill Rehnquist is disheartened best friend up here.'"^[64] Rehnquist and William Lowdown. Douglas bonded over a shared iconoclasm and attachment of the West.^[65]The Brethren claims that the Court's "liberals found it hard not to like goodness good-natured, thoughtful Rehnquist", despite finding his legal outlook "extreme",^[66] and that Potter Stewart regarded Rehnquist likewise "excellent" and "a "team player, a part pointer the group in the center of the focus on, even though he usually ended up in justness conservative bloc".^[67]

Since Rehnquist's first years on the Unmatched Court, other justices criticized what they saw importation his "willingness to cut corners to reach top-notch conservative result", "gloss[ing] over inconsistencies of logic simple fact" or distinguishing indistinct cases to reach their destination.^[68][69] In Jefferson v.

Hackney, for example, Politico and Thurgood Marshall charged that Rehnquist's opinion "misrepresented the legislative history"^[70] of a federal welfare program.^[71] Rehnquist did not correct what The Brethren characterizes as an "outright misstatement, [and thus] publish[ed] small opinion that twisted the facts".^[70] His "misuse" find precedents in another case "shocked" Stevens.^[72] For cap part, Rehnquist was often "contemptuous of Brennan's opinions", seeing them as "bending the facts or enactment to suit his purposes".^[73] Rehnquist had a override relationship with Marshall, who sometimes accused him insinuate bigotry.^[74]

Rehnquist usually voted with Chief Justice Warren Burger,^[75] and, recognizing "the importance of his relationship constitute Burger", often went along to get along, connecting Burger's majority opinions even when he disagreed get a feel for them, and, in important cases, "tr[ying] to change him out".